Thursday, August 2, 2018

THE HISTORY OF EBIRA KINGDOM...

Ebira Tao is the largest of the several Ebira groups found in about 8 states of Nigeria including the Federal Capital Teritory (FCT). The other sister groups are Egbura Koto and Ebira Mozum (Kogi state), Ebira Panda, Ebira Oje/Toto (Nassarawa state), Ebira Etuno (Edo state), Ebira Agatu (Benue state) Ebira Oloko (Ondo/Oyo/Osun states).
Ebira Tao is the largest of the several Ebira groups found in about 8 states of Nigeria including the Federal Capital Teritory (FCT). The other sister groups are Egbura Koto and Ebira Mozum (Kogi state), Ebira Panda, Ebira Oje/Toto (Nassarawa state), Ebira Etuno (Edo state), Ebira Agatu (Benue state) Ebira Oloko (Ondo/Oyo/Osun states).












The Ebira later split into various groups and settled in different locations between 1680 and 1750 AD.
The Ebira Tao first sojourned with the Igalas at Idah but later crossed the River Niger and settled at Ebira Opete located the vicinity of Upake in Ajaokuta LGA. The ‘father’ of the Ebira Tao who led them to this premier settlement in Ebiraland was Itaazi. Itaazi had five (5) sons who all later migrated from Ebira Opete and were the founders of the various districts in Ebiraland. The children and the districts they founded are Adaviruku/Ohizi (Adavi), Ododo (Okehi), Obaji (Eyika), Uga (Okengwe) and Ochuga/Onotu (Ihima). His daughter named Ohunene settled in Eganyi district.
Members of the various clans in Ebiraland are descendants of the children of Itaazi. Ohizi had five children who are progenitors of the five traditional Adavi clans named after them. These are upopo-uvete (Apasi), Uka, Idu (Aniku), Adeyika and Uhwami. A migrant group from Eganyi known as Ezi-Onogu clan is also found in Adavi. The sons of Ododo who are the ancestors of Okehi clans were Okovi Oviri and Enwgukonyai. Obaji the founder of Eika had ten children named Ohiaga, Iyewe, Avassa, Ehemi, Anchi, Epoto, Egiri, Ubobo, Ogu and Eyire. Uga of Okengwe had two sons whose children constitute the present Okovi and Agada group of clans. Due to a sizeable concentration of other Ebira clans in Okengwe district, they formed a socio-political coalition known as Ada-ehi. Ochuga had six children and their descendants make up the six clans in Ihima.
These are Emani, Oha/Idu, Ohueta, Ure, Ohongwa and Odumi. The seventh clan is Akuta who migrated from Okengwe. Though Itaazi’s daughter named Ohunene was the founder of Eganyi, not all the clans there are descended from her. Eganyi clans are Ede, Esugu, Eheda, Ogu, Onoko, Idu, Anavapa and Ogodo. The Aningere who are skilled craftsmen are found in all districts. They are, however, more concentrated in Okengwe and Adavi districts.

LOCATION AND SIZE
Ebiraland, the home of Ebira Tao, is located in the central senatorial District of Kogi state. It has a landmass of 3,426 sq km. The 1991 national census puts the population of the area 722,032. Another national head count was undertaken in 2006. The provisional figure of 884,396 released by the National Population Commission (NPC) is being disputed. It is distributed as follows: Okene LGA (320,260), Adavi LGA (202,194), Okehi LGA (199,999), Ajaokuta LGA (122,321) and Ogori Magongo LGA (39,622).

THE PEOPLE
The Ebira people are republican by nature, outspoken and very hard working. Farming and cloth-weaving are occupations for which the Ebiras are well known. They are presently spread in five Local Government Areas of Kogi state namely: Adavi, Okene, Okehi,  Ajaokuta and Ogori-magongo. A sizeable number is also found in Lokoja Local Government Area and Oyo states. The paramount ruler of the people is called Ohinoyi of Ebiraland. The Ebira cherish their traitional festivals in spite of the infiltration of some negative tendencies.
EBIRA HEROES/HEROINES
There are several people who made tremendous impact on Ebira nation in ancient times. These were:
  1. Itaazi – ‘FATHER’ or progenitor of Ebira Tao people
  2. Ohizi (Adaviruku) – Son of Itaazi and founder of Adavi district
  3. Ododo – Son of Itaazi and founder of Okehi district
  4. Obaji – Son of Itaazi and founder of Eika district
  5. Uga – Son of Itaazi and founder of Okengwe district
  6. Ochuga – Youngest son of Itaazi and founder of Ihima district
  7. Ohunene – Daughter of Itaazi and founder of Ihima district
  8. Obege Ikaturu – Greatest herbalist in Ebira history
  9. Otase – Greatest marksman in Ebira history
  10. Atta Omadivi Abonika – Ebira war commander during the 1885 Ajinimo war (Nupe invasion of Ebiraland in which Ebira defeated the Nupe)
  11. Ovanesi – War commander during the Ebira/Bassa war where the Bassa were defeated (1890).
  12. Zainab Ejinovo Iyebe – Princess and later ‘Queen mother’ of imense influence
  13. Atta Ibrahim Onoruoyiza – Leader with great vision and father of modern Ebira
  14. Onono Idogido – Great social crusader and leader of 1951 women revolt against taxation.
  15. Raji Abdallah – nationalist who fought for Nigeria’s independence along with Nnamdi Azikiwe and Obafemi  Awolowo. He was imprisoned by the British colonialists.
CULTURAL FESTIVALS (ECHE-OZI  ETE)
The Ebiras have several annaul cultural festivals. Three of the most prominent ones are ‘Echane’, ‘Eche Ori’ and ‘Ekuechi’.
ECHE-ANE
This is an annual masquerade festival celebrated in rotation from one district to the other in Ebiraland (between April-June).  In the past, it was only during the period of the festival that betrothed girls were given away in marriage to their suitors. That is why the festival is called ‘Eche-ane’ (women festival). Masquerades, though carried long canes, came out primarily to entertain people and received gifts in return. It is regrettable that this very popular and interesting festival has been bastardized and now a source of constant breach of peace.
ECHE-ORI
‘Eche Ori’ is a new yam festival celebrated only in two districts in Ebiraland. These are Ihima and Eganyi. During the festival, traditional worshippers make sacrifices in the secret groove of ‘Ori’ (deity) high up in the mountain to show gratitude for its protection and provision of bounteous harvest.
The worshipers carry long canes with which they whip one another in turns without anyone exhibiting any sign of pain. This is a mark of strength or M@nh00d. Another important attraction of the festival is the delightful ‘Echori’ music in which female singers feature prominently. Only after this festival can one eat or sell new yams in the market as it is a taboo to do so before the festival in Ihima and Eganyi.

EKUECHI
This is a night masquerade festival which marks the end of the Ebira calendar year and the beginning of a new one. Ododo is popularly acclaimed to be the initiator of this masquerade festival. The ‘Akatapa’ masquerade in heralding the beginning of the festival often say “Irayi ododo osi gu, Irayi akatapa osi gu eeeh! Osa yeeeh!” which means “the year of the Ododo has ended; the year of Akatapa has ended. Here is another year”.
The festival begins with a festival eve in which folk singers (ome ikede) perform to the delight of both men and women. The following day, the real festival in which masquerades sing and dance to entertain people from dusk to dawn takes place. It is restricted to men only so all women stay indoors throughout the duration of the festival. All D€ad relatives are believed to return to a earth on a visit this night, so, women prepare delicious ‘Apapa’ (bean read) and he-goat meat for the visitors. The women also, at times, leave monetary gifts with the men for the visiting D€ad relatives. Trust men, the meals and gifts are properly and neatly delivered to the beneficiaries who only the men have the privilege of seeing and interacting with, that night.

EBIRA PEOPLE: THE MOST OUTSPOKEN, TALENTED AND HARDWORKING PEOPLE OF KOGI STATE IN NIGERIA

The Ebira (also spelt Igbira or Igbirra) are the outspoken and very hard working agrarian Nupoid-speaking ethno-linguistic group located in the Central Senatorial district of Kogi State (not far from the Niger-Benue confluence) in Nigeria.

Recent in depth research indicates that the Ebira have been part and parcel of what is now generally known as Central Nigeria since 4000 BC (Ohiare 1988). The Ebira zone is also prominent in the prehistoric civilization of the Iron Age generally characterised by the Central Nigeria as epitomised by Nok Culture. Even recently the iron-working site of Ife-Ijummu (Kogi State) has been dated to 260 B.C. Thus, it could be deduced that the Ebira as a group existed for a long time in locations within Central Nigeria not far from where they are located presently (Ohiare 1988, Willamson 1967, Beneth 1972).

Many Ebira people are from Kogi State, Kwara State, Nasarawa State, Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, and Edo State. Okene is said to be the administrative centre of the Ebira-speaking people in Kogi state.
The word “Ebira” refers to the people themselves, their language and their geographical location. Using the name of the most popular town of the land, we may refer to them as Ebira Okene. The Ebira Okene occupy the hilly stretch of land southwest of the Niger-Benue confluence area and share boundaries with the Yoruba-speaking people of Akoko, Owe and Ijumu to the west; the various Akoko-Edo people to the south and south west; the Hausa, Nupe and Ebira groups at Lokoja to the north; and the River Niger to the east. Nigerian Nollywood stars Mercy Johnson and Halima Abubakar are from Ebira tribe.

Other Ebira groups are Ebira Igu in Kogi and Koton Karfi local government areas of Kogi state; Ebira Toto and Umaisha ofNassarawa (Toto) local government area of Nassarawa state; Ebira Mozum of Bassa local government area of Kogi state; and Ebira Etuno of Igarra District of Ako-Edo local government area of Edo state. Other Ebira are to be found in Abaji in the Federal Capital Territory and Agatu in Benue state.

The Ebira people are republican by nature, outspoken and very hard working. Farming and cloth-weaving are occupations for which the Ebiras are well known. The paramount ruler of the people is called Ohinoyi of Ebiraland. The Ebira cherish their traditional festivals in spite of the infiltration of some negative tendencies.

Geography (Environment)
A common physical feature of Ebiraland is the conspicuous presence of blocks of dissected hills and the metaphoric rocks enveloping the greater part of the land. The hills rise to a peak of 2000 ft and probably represent the remnants of an old post of Gondowana pedi-plain (Clayton 1957). The African laterite and plain which embraces the greater part of Ihima, Okengwe and Ageva are occupied by extensive undulating plains (1200-1400ft). They are studded with smooth rounded rocks of in selbergs. The laterite soils are derived from metaphoric rocks of greyish-buff (18 inches) and clayed pan which overlay vascular iron stone (Omorua 1959:1). The depth of the soil is however variable, ranging from two to three feet to about three inches where the ironstone approaches the surface, as in the Itakpe hills in Adavi district.There is also the Niger literic plain forming a lower terrace below the higher plains. This is conspicuous in Ajaokuta, Eganyi, Ebiya and part of Adavi in the north and north-east of Ebiraland. Another very important feature is the rim from the highland. This enscarpement which extends to Ihima, Eika and part of Ajaokuta widens into abroad zone of dissected hills. The soil formation of the rims are mostly skeletal, consisting of pale brown and orange brown sands and grits. The enscarpment contains quartz stones interspersed with pockets of deeper sand wash (Omorua 1959:1-2).The implications of these features to the past and contemporary history of the land are many. A few of them are as follows. The nature of the topography has affected the relief pattern of Ebiraland,which is marked out of the dissected peaks with knife-edged ridges,and steep V-shaped valleys. Valleys of this type occur in Okene,Okengwe and Eika towns. Apart from exerting much influence on the climate, the features in part provided security and protection for the ancient Ebira. Thus they resisted external incursions into their geo-polity as in the case of the Ajinomoh  jihadist wars in the 1880s discussed elsewhere (Okene 1990:26-30). Furthermore, the features influenced the pattern of the people’s technical know-how as it relates to the production of crafts like pottery, dyeing and blacksmithing and of the people instruments of production or destruction such as hoes, cutlasses and spears and bows and arrows.The Ebira were famous in Central Nigeria for the production of these crafts (Barth 1990:510-515; Jones 1969:38). In contemporary times, these features serve as a reservoir of the iron-ore deposit now discovered in large quantity in some hills of the land. Itakpe hill inAdavi district alone has an iron-ore deposit estimated between 37 and 47 million tons, and of more than 60 per cent iron content (Okene 1995:37). This is meant to provide raw material for the Ajaokuta Iron and Steel Industry set up by the Federal Government of Nigeria.Other minerals to be found in substantial commercial quantities in Ebira include marble, limestone, copper, chalk and mica.

Language
Ebira people speaks Ebira (Egbira), a Nupoid language belonging to the larger Niger-Congo language phylum. Ebira is spoken by about 2 million people in Nigeria especially in Kogi State.
According to Greenberg’s classification of African languages, Ebira belongs to the Kwa group of the Niger-Congo family, which also comprises the Nupe, Gbari and Gade (Greenberg, 1966). But Hoffman and Bendor-Samuel in their studies of Nigerian languages set up Ebira as a separate entity (Adive 1985:56-57).

History
There are two schools of thought about the Ebira origins. The written source (archeological) and the oral traditions.  The Ebira, through oral tradition, trace their descent to Wukari (in the present Taraba state) where they were a constituent part of the Kwararafa confederation. In about 1680 AD, they (along with the Idoma and Igala) migrated out of Wukari a chieftaincy dispute. The Ebira later split into various groups and settled in different locations between 1680 and 1750 AD. The Ebira Tao first sojourned with the Igalas at Idah but later crossed the River Niger and settled at Ebira Opete located the vicinity of Upake in Ajaokuta LGA. The 'father' of the Ebira Tao who led them to this premier settlement in Ebiraland was Itaazi. Itaazi had five (5) sons who all later migrated from Ebira Opete and were the founders of the various districts in Ebiraland. The children and the districts they founded are Adaviruku/Ohizi (Adavi), Ododo (Okehi), Obaji (Eyika), Uga (Okengwe) and Ochuga/Onotu (Ihima). His daughter named Ohunene settled in Eganyi district. Members of the various clans in Ebiraland are descendants of the children of Itaazi. Ohizi had five children who are progenitors of the five traditional Adavi clans named after them. These are upopo-uvete (Apasi), Uka, Idu (Aniku), Adeyika and Uhwami. A migrant group from Eganyi known as Ezi-Onogu clan is also found in Adavi. The sons of Ododo who are the ancestors of Okehi clans were Okovi Oviri and Enwgukonyai. Obaji the founder of Eika had ten children named Ohiaga, Iyewe, Avassa, Ehemi, Anchi, Epoto, Egiri, Ubobo, Ogu and Eyire. Uga of Okengwe had two sons whose children constitute the present Okovi and Agada group of clans. Due to a sizeable concentration of other Ebira clans in Okengwe district, they formed a socio-political coalition known as Ada-ehi. Ochuga had six children and their descendants make up the six clans in Ihima. These are Emani, Oha/Idu, Ohueta, Ure, Ohongwa and Odumi. The seventh clan is Akuta who migrated from Okengwe. Though Itaazi's daughter named Ohunene was the founder of Eganyi, not all the clans there are descended from her. Eganyi clans are Ede, Esugu, Eheda, Ogu, Onoko, Idu, Anavapa and Ogodo. The Aningere who are skilled craftsmen are found in all districts. They are, however, more concentrated in Okengwe and Adavi districts.

 From the written source, Ohiare (1985) linguistically defined Ebira as those who speak the language or dialect called Ebira or those who recognize themselves as one but have lost touch of the ability to speak the language as a result of some historical development. Describing their location, Ozigi (2004) said that Ebira are predominantly in the Niger–Benue confluence area and scattered in locations as Okene, Okehi, Adavi and Ajaokuta. These are the Ebira Tao group of the central senatorial District of Kogi State.
There are also the Ebira kotos. They are found in Koton Karfe area of Kogi Local Government of
Kogi State. There is the Ebira Mozum of Bassa Local Government area of Kogi State.
There are large Ebira settlement in other areas apart from Kogi State as found in Umaisha, Toto,
Lafia District of Nassarawa State and Federal Capital Territory. There is also Ebira Agatu in Benue
State, Ebira Etuno in Igarra area of Edo State.
The concern of this paper is the Ebira Tao group. Historically, the people belong to the Kwararafa or
Apa group of the middle belt region. Among the other ethnic group in the Kwararafa region are the
Jukun, the Igala, the Idoma, the Langtang, Kaje etc.
The tradition of origin of the Ebira Tao first started in the Gongola Basin and ended with their
migration to the lower Benue valley.
The Ebira took their name from the lower Benue valley. They described themselves as people from
Ebira. Tradition collected from among the Idoma say Ebira were already in the area of Abinse down
to the area of modern Agatu district when Idoma ancestors met them. This was about the 15th and
16th centuries as claimed by Ohiare (1985). This indicated that the Ebira presence around the Benue
valley was about the 14th Century.
It was from here that the wave of migration dispersed the Ebira and other associated groups to the
confluence area. From here also the people migrated to Ebira opete and the Okehi hills.
Several reasons were given for this migration. They were succession disputes, outbreak of epidemics,
and flight from punishment which the people considered as unjustified and oppressive.
There is yet another period of Ebira historical development. This began with their migration across
the Niger at Itobe to the right bank of the Niger around the present location of Ajoakuta. This place
was known as Ebira opete.

The Ebira had to move further from the Igala territory for obvious reasons of succession. It was a
common practice in the royal circle of Idah that the losing side in succession dispute was always
obliged by tradition to move out of the capital enmasse to the inland and sometime beyond the
boundaries of the Kingdom (in this case, the Ebira belonged to the losing side and so had to move).
According to Ozigi (2004) the dominant theme in the struggle of the Ebira opete settlers was to
secure political independence of Attah in Idah. So, it was their desire to be rid of Idah’s political
influence. This forced the people to begin gradual westward. Some settled in Okehi and Upai hills
and others in Egarra (Etuno) area. From Opete the Ebira moved gradually in families, lineages and
clans to the hills of Okehi, Upai and Eikaoku, a compact area chosen for security purposes.
Political organization of the people in their new area reflected the settlement patterns based on
family lineage and clan group conducted its affairs as a semi autonomous entity. In each clan group,
lineages often acted independently. The leaders of these clan groups never failed to strengthen their
political authority through religious sanctions ordained by the ancestors. Institutions of ancestral
cults featured spirits like “Eku oba”, “Eku echichi”, akatapa’, and “Eku irahu”, that gave political
potency to their religious sanctions.
By mid 19th century, the Ebira had settled permanently in their present locations and lived in the
district founded by the ancestors. Various settlements were founded by the Ebira children like Okovi,
Agada, Eika, Adavi, Ihima and Eganyi. These settlements were named after them.
The main clans and sub clans in Ebira settlements were as follows:
Okovi (Asuwe, Adobe, Ehebe, Omavi, Ure and Omoye as sub clans)
Agada (Akuta, Avi, Ogu, Esusu, and Ohimoroko as sub clans)
Eika (Ihiaga, Iyewe, Avasa, Eyire, Epoto, Anchi, Iheme, Agiri, Ubobo, Uhuodo and Ogu as
sub clans)
Adavi (Aniku, Uhami, Uka, Upopo uvete as sub clans)
Ihima (Emani, Ure, Ohueta, Odumi, Ohionwa and oha as sub clans)
Eganyi (Eheda, Onoko, Esugu, Ogodo, Onogu, Ede and Ogu as sub clans)
These clans were very important in the socio–political life of the Ebira people. They were the basis
of authority and social relations in Ebira traditional community.

By the mid 19th century, about the 1860’s the Jihadists invaded the Ebira settlement and distorted
their socio–political organization. The Jihadists, under the leadership of Madaba from Bida, first
incursed into the Okene area by way of raiding. For the first time, the Ebira were faced with
formidable and a united force under a purposeful and dynamic leadership that could challenge these
Jihadists. These leadership traits were found in Ohindase Ukpai and he did put very strong resistance
in this direction.
In the second incursion, which came about the 1870’s, was a combined force of Bida, Ilorin and
Ibadan under Nupe leadership. With a determined and united Ebira under the Leadership of
Ohindase Avogude, the Ebira resisted once again. It is quite impressive to note that of these
Jihadists’ incursions in Ebira was successful. It is also noteworthy that these incursions had set the
people on the way to central Leadership.
Under colonial rule, the people of Ebira lost their sovereign right. The existing structures were
dismantled and replaced with new ones. There was imposition of colonial agents through whom the
colonialist communicated with the people. There was the imposition of poll tax (Ekehi irehi or house
money), there was forced labour to construct rail lines, road network, etc.
The people resisted patriotically colonial imposition in various ways. Ibrahim (1985) identified that
there were military resistance against the colonialists in such places like Ikuehi, Kuroko and Okene.
These various oppositions to colonial imposition led to the Oyibo Arimo crisis of 1924 and 1926. It
was these series of crisis that culminated into the formation of Igbira Tribal Union (ITU) that
constituted a major political force in the post independent era.
When the British invaded and conquered Ebiraland at the beginning of the century. The people found
a confederation of five-clan groups (they are Eika, Okehi, Adavi, Okengwe, and Ihima) each
operating a devine form of government as established by Ododo of Okehi and Obaji of Eika (the two
greatest heroes of Ebiraland).

Following a breakdown of traditional law and order as a result of wars, migration, famine etc the two
heroes enthroned cult of eldership, resuscitated the masquerade cult and established iragba and the
masquerade as the institution of government and instrument of discipline respectively. Ododo and
Obaji also established a devine form of chieftaincy. The installation of the Chief priest was linked
with the Iragba and the priest elect would pass through a ceremony of death and masquerades and
was finally installed by the Ekuoba.
Each clan group in Ebiarland was politically autonomous with its clan’s chief priest rotating among
the clans in order of seniority. This was the situation until the invasion of the Ajinomoh in the
second half of the 19th century. As from 1900 the British took over Ebiraland, created Kabba
Division and appointed Owudah Adidi as agent in 1902 Omadivi took refuge in the house of
Owudah Adidi at Obangede. Omadivi was a widely traveled man. He appreciated the white man’s
power and motive for invading Ebiraland. He quickly allied with them. Omadivi had wielded much
power around himself and events worked in his favour when in 1904 he was installed the chief of
Ebiraland after the Major Marsh expedition which sacked Okene.
In 1917, Omadivi died as the District Head of Ebiraland and the stage was set for the struggle for his
position. Among the contenders for this position were Ohindase Arudi Adano, Ibrahim Chogudo
Onoruoiza and Ozigizigi of Obehira.
Ibrahim Onoruoiza won the contest at the youthful age of 17 amidst bitter opposition. The credentials
that won him this position included high level of intelligence, brilliant and efficient performance as
white man’s tax assessment scribe and messenger. Ibrahim immediately commenced his activities to
open up roads to Ajaokuta and Lokoja for trading activities. Fascinated by the work of Ibrahim, the
British Resident officer, Mr Byng-Hall created Ebira Division with the Attah as the Sole Native
Authority.

Economy
The nature of the physical environment influenced not only the land tenure system but also agriculture practices which in fact were the main determinant of the people’s economy. Agricultural production was geared towards both domestic consumption and exchange.Almost every household, which was the basic unit of production, wasinvolved in farming. Over time the people, through production efficiency, division of labour and specialization, took advantage of both internal and external economies of scale. By early 19th century,realising its potentialities, the Okengwe district specialised in the production of beniseed which it traded and exchanged with the groundnuts in the production of which Adavi clan-groups and communities in the immediate north of the land had also become specialised (Okene 1995:79-84). Apart from fishing and hunting, which complemented farming, the Ebira economy also to some extent depended on local industries and craft production like palm oil, animal husbandry, iron technology and blacksmithing, textiles dyeing, wood carving and basket, mat and raffia weaving. Because of its unique nature, the textiles industry requires a brief discussion. Cotton, the main raw material of the industry, is a crop of antiquity with the Ebira. The Ebira had migrated with the crop and with the knowledge of its production to their present location, the soil of which was fortunately very favourable for its commercial cultivation. An exclusively female preserve, the distinct technique employed by the Ebira textiles producers was vertically mounted single loom system, locally called
Oguntoro.
 


According toBrown, Ralph Willis, Picton and Mack, (Brown 1970:60; Willis 1972:51; Picton & Mack 1979:17,77,80,82)the Ebira cloth weaving had undergone series of styles, patterning and specailization that made it excellent and one of the best in the Western Sudan before the advent of the British rule. In the same vein, Henry Barth noted in 1851 that Ebira Woven cloth favourably rivaled those of other areas in terms of pattern, colour, decoration and texture. Barth did observe the superiority of the Ebira Woven cloth compare to other regions in the Kurmi International Market, Kano when he visited the City during the same period (Barth 1990:511)

Political organization
Generally speaking, the settlement pattern of the Ebira in their present location was largely determined by the topography of the area and their migrational groupings. They settled in highly knitted related families, kindreds, clans and clan-groups on several hills tops which include Eikoku Okengwe, Okehi, Ukpai and Okerekere. The socio-political institutions which became consolidated over time were primarily geared towards the maintenance of discipline, social harmony and peace which were essential ingredients for social relations and economic progress within and without Ebira ecological zone.
The basis of political organisations of the Ebira started from the family. As the smallest unit, the family consisted of the father, wives,children and grand children. The unit lives in a specially designed Ohuoje (compound), while the Ovovu (outer compound), was the exclusive use of other people under the custody of the family. These include the family slaves, war or famine refugees on asylum and family labourers. The oldest surviving male was the head of the family. He personified the cultural, clannish and economic heritages as the respresentative of the ancestors in the family.Several families who believed they were patrilineally related by blood formed the next political unit of lineage, abara. The head was the oldest surviving male of the lineage. Though, his decision was not final as he had to consult with the heads of the families that made up the lineage, the chief had prerogative power over the economic activities of the lineage. The lineage land and relics were vested on him and the sylvan produce of the lineage were gathered in his palace annually for distribution to the various member families based on the ancestral law of age grade. Several lineages have survived to the present. These include Etumi, Avi, Adovosi, Egiri and Ogagu.The clan was the next political unit of the Ebira of this study. Though third in the strata, the clan was the main and most sensitive of all the political units. Each clan had both a prefix in its name of either Ozi- (i.e. children of) or Ani- (i.e the people of) and a totemic symbol indicating either a sacred object or an animal attached to their clan name. For example, Eziehimozoko, a clan in Okengwe district had an additional eulogy of eziede, “  children of crayfish”, attached to their clan name. In the past, a clan name and a totemic eulogy served as identification marks for the various migrational groups or parties. The head of each of the clans, many of which have also survived to the present, was the oldest surviving male. His power was nominal, as he administered through consultation. Nevertheless, he was the representative of the ancestors in the clan. He therefore executed sanctions and controls over its members. These were thought to emanate from the ancestors who watched over the affairs of the people from the world of the ancestral spirits.
The largest socio-political unit among the Ebira was the clan-group locally called Ekura. About six of such clan-groups survive to the present. They are Okengwe, Okehi, Adavi, Eika, Ihima, and Eganyi. Though each was self autonomous, they however related on issues of common concern. The head of each was priest-chief, Ohinoyi-ete.

Ebira women
Each group was made up of several clans believed they had distant patrilineal blood tie. For instance, the Okengwe group comprised of Akuta, Ehimozoko, Avi, Esusu, Ogu, Asuwe, Omoye, Omavi, Eire and Adobe. The chief-priest consulted the heads of the clans on any serious matter affecting the group. In addition, he administered justice in conjunction with his deputy, Ohireba, and the council of elders of the group.Despite the obvious limitation to his authority, the priest-chief was the highest spiritual and socio-political head of the clan-group. He was believed to have a daily communication with the ancestors. He ministered to, and indeed mustered the earth shrine to solicit for fertility, adequate rainfall and good harvest. He exercised sanctions and ensure control, discipline, and compliance with the societal norms and rules. He was vested with the interpretation of the ancient ancestral laws through divination, sacrifices and indeed long experience. Through these, the six priest-chiefs in close cooperation,consultation and communion with one another were able to administer justice and maintain the society of Ebira in relative social harmony up till the eve of the British invasion in 1903.
 

 Religious belief
Ebira acknowledge the existence of God with utmost reverence. The innate belief of the people places Him, "Ohomorihi" (Supreme Being), first before any other thing. These claim clearly manifest in the various attributes accorded Supreme God by the people. Ohomorihi means creator of rain. In most cultures and even sciences, the essence of living and life is tied to water. Earthly fertility is predicated on water, human conception and delivery is also located in watery substances. All source of life can be traced to water.
In Ebira religious belief, Ohomorihi is the source and controller of this water from which all these beings are sourced because Orihi is rain and is produced from the divine center (Ohomo). This belief establish the absolute supremacy of God Almighty over all living and non-living beings, materials and spiritual matters.
Other names and attributes of Ohomorihi includes "adayi ebeba anayin abayi" (Our father above who owns us all), "Ikoko koi koi" (The powerful, the Omnipotent), "Ovaraka dosi" (of limitless size, the magnificent with unimaginable magnitude, the Omnipresent), "Ochiji mokariye" (the silent arbiter, unpredictable dispenser of justice), "Ovaraka huduma" (whose stair roars like thunder), "Oku`za ohuru, Oku`za atito" (adorns one with gunpowder and soil with ashes), "Ogodo godo onuva`za eme tu" (so far removed from physical touch), "Odu ajini osi ihuo teyi" (inflict pains today and inject gains tomorrow, create sorrow today and restore joy tomorrow); oda yoza ri odoza here (feeds you and drains you). from these names one can understand why He is the first point of reference in all matters- secular, spiritual or ritual.

Ebira people know that man sins and therefore cannot reach God (Ohomorihi) direct so they play through Ete (Mother Earth). deities or lesser gods known as Ori and Ohiku (ancestors).
Ete occupies a vital position in Ebira cosmology. It is a force of balance considered next to God (Ohomorihi) because whatever goes up must come down to earth. It is on earth that human`s life is both sustained and buried, "a spiritual entity from which all life derives," (Aniako 1980, p. 35-36), Thus, when a child at play eats sand, as it is often the case in African traditional settings, it is seen as the ritual process of reconnecting back to earth, first initiated through the burial of the placenta of the child at birth. man lives through cultivation of food crops and exploitation of crust of ornamental riches buried in within the earth. It also serves as man`s final resting place at death. Ete thus has dual essence of fortune and misfortune commission and reversion. Ete is also a force of equipoise between man and Ebira cosmology which is concretized by the balance between mother Earth and patriarchal dominance of man even in ancestral world. Women (Mother earth) are alternative force that checks the excesses of man evil tendencies. The overriding importance of Ete as the centre of universe is physically expressed at the centre of every traditional Ebira home as Eteohuje (centre of the compound). It is at this centre the that ancestral sacrifice and rituals are held.
God created Ori ( spirit being or nature spirit) as the intercessor between man and Himself. Ori is actually worshipped and celebrated in two towns of Ihima and Eganyi in Ebiraland probably because of its intervention to avert serious calamities in these two towns according to Ebira mythology. It came to cleanse these two towns of serious epidermic. As such, it assumes prominence with shrines created for it with its attendant devotees echeori annual festival instituted inmemory of this ritual cleansing. Echeori is celebrated as a New Yam Festival for seasonal renewal. Okino (2004, p 9) claims that the "pioneer religion of the ancestors of Ebira people is Ori" probably because of its intercessory nature between the people and the higher order.
The other spirit that Ebira people relates to is the Ancestral Spirit (Eku), an embodiment of dead ancestors, ohiku.

Cultural Festivals (Eche-Ozi Ete)
The Ebiras have several annual cultural festivals. Three of the most prominent ones are 'Echane', 'Eche Ori' and 'Ekuechi'.

Eche-Ane
This is an annual masquerade festival celebrated in rotation from one district to the other in Ebiraland (between April–June). In the past, it was only during the period of the festival that betrothed girls were given away in marriage to their suitors. That is why the festival is called 'Eche-ane' (women festival). Masquerades, though carried long canes, came out primarily to entertain people and received gifts in return. It is regrettable that this very popular and interesting festival has been bastardized and now a source of constant breach of peace.

Eche-Ori
'Eche Ori' is a new yam festival celebrated only in two districts in Ebiraland. These are Ihima and Eganyi. During the festival, traditional worshippers make sacrifices in the secret groove of 'Ori' (deity) high up in the mountain to show gratitude for its protection and provision of bounteous harvest. The worshipers carry long canes with which they whip one another in turns without anyone exhibiting any sign of pain. This is a mark of strength or manhood. Another important attraction of the festival is the delightful 'Echori' music in which female singers feature prominently. Only after this festival can one eat or sell new yams in the market as it is a taboo to do so before the festival in Ihima and Eganyi.

Ekuechi (traditional masquerade)
This is a night masquerade festival which marks the end of the Ebira calendar year and the beginning of a new one. Ododo is popularly acclaimed to be the initiator of this masquerade festival. The 'Akatapa' masquerade in heralding the beginning of the festival often say "Irayi ododo osi gu, Irayi akatapa osi gu eeeh! Osa yeeeh!" which means "the year of the Ododo has ended; the year of Akatapa has ended. Here is another year". The festival begins with a festival eve in which folk singers (ome ikede) perform to the delight of both men and women. The following day, the real festival in which masquerades sing and dance to entertain people from dusk to dawn takes place. It is restricted to men only so all women stay indoors throughout the duration of the festival. All dead relatives are believed to return to an earth on a visit this night, so, women prepare delicious 'Apapa' (bean read) and he-goat meat for the visitors. The women also, at times, leave monetary gifts with the men for the visiting dead relatives. Trust men, the meals and gifts are properly and neatly delivered to the beneficiaries who only the men have the privilege of seeing and interacting with, that night

Source:http://www.academia.edu/534317/Colonial_Conquest_and_Resistance_The_Case_of_Ebiraland_1886-1917_AD

The Evolution and Development of Central Administration in Ebiraland, 1920-1997


By Victor Osaro Edo Abstract
Ebiraland constitutes one of the ethnic groups in the Middle Belt zone of Nigeria. It, however, did not evolve a centralized form of leadership until the advent of the British colonial authorities, which brought together the various Ebira groups under the leadership of Attah Omadivi in 1902. The year 1902 therefore marked the evolution of a monarchical form of administration and the gradual development of central administration in Ebiraland. The paper will therefore examine the nature of the development of central administration in Ebiraland between 1902 and 1997, when the present incumbent monarch, Ado Ibrahim, ascended the throne as the Ohinoyi of Ebiraland. Introduction Ebiraland is a small hilly inland area that stretches roughly for twenty three kilometres west of the Niger at Ajaokuta and thirty two kilometers southwest of the Niger-Benue confluence. The range of hills occasionally rises to six hundred and sixty seven metres above sea level. With the exception of naturalbarriers like forest reserves, practically, the area which is about eighty square kilometers has been occupied and what started as tiny villages have joined together as near towns, gradually and progressively expanding towards one another in modern times. Ebiraland thus presents an aerial view of one huge settlement with intervening barriers.
Today, in a Nigeria of thirty-six states, the Ebira people are located in the present Kogi State. Farming is their major occupation. Several Ebira people, however, are scattered all over Nigeria, particularly in Edo, Ondo, Kwara, Plateau and Benue States where they are well known as indefatigable farmers.
The Ebira people are generally believed to be of Jukun origin.
Oral tradition favours this theory and also claims its ultimate ancestry from the Jukun of Wukari1. The people are said to have resented the central administrative authority of the Junkuns in the Wukari area of the Kwararafa kingdom. Thus, the Ebira, like other disparate ethnic groups, migrated under
their leader whose actual personal name has remained unknown, though one account has it that he was called Ebira.2 They migrated frequently and at different times from one unsuitable spot to another as an expression of their resentment against tyrannical rule, among other reasons. In the case of the
former reasons, they did so in order to free themselves from the resented bondage and clutches of the Jukuns and headed southwards before the end of the sixteenth century.3 However, they were settled at home in groups without a centralised authority until the advent of colonial rule which brought them
together under a central leadership. If there was any form of centralization in Ebiraland, it was in the sphere of religion. Politically, the different groups and settlements had independent clan heads with different nomenclatures. Hence, the Ebira people did not evolve a centralised political leadership and had no paramount chief before the British occupation of the area in 1902.
Pre-Colonial Ebira community was essentially segmentary. It consisted of five principal clans among several others, namely, Okengwe, Eika, Okehi, Adavi, and Ihima. The respective priests (heads) of these clans were known as Ohindase, Adeika, Ohiomahi, Asema and Obonbanyi.4 Each clan was selfgoverning and did not regard any other as superior to it. Significantly, the clan was the main unit of political organization. The post of the clan head was normally conferred on the oldest living male member of the clan. His religious duties and disciplinary powers were, however, limited to his own family. His political influence was quite small and although he presided over the meetings of his clan, his judgement was determined largely by the consensus of opinion of the elders.
Economically, the clan head held in trust for the clan, part of the income from all the clan lands, such as the produce from palm oil and locust bean trees, during the pre-colonial period. Also, the leg of whatever game that was killed was given to him, which he shared with the kindred heads5

In the pre-colonial times, the administration of all the clan heads constituting a community in Ebiraland lay in the hands of the elders, influential individuals and the chief priest (Ohinoyi).6 The group of elders consisted of the clan heads, kindred heads and other people whose age, maturity and wisdom commended themselves to the other elders. The composition of this group was more-or-less constant because whenever the representative of a clan died, his place was taken by another member of the same clan. For this reason, the group could, in fact, be termed the council of elders. Its meeting normally took place in the market place or any other central open place7, as was the case with the
Igbo in the pre-colonial period. In the same vein, Habibu A. Sani argues that in those early days of the ancestors, whenever there was a problem to be collectively solved or a special occasion to be celebrated, the clan heads and age-group leaders usually put their heads together at a family meeting where possible solutions were debated and agreed8. An influential individual (Onoru) might be any man (apart from the Chief Priest) who, because of personal attainments in wealth, war, physical or
margical power had won the respect of others and could become famous not only in his own clan group , but throughout Ebiraland.9 However, he had no political authority in other clan groups. By virtue of his position in society, he normally succeeded in imposing his will upon others or in getting the meeting of the council of elders to respect his views. He could therefore be regarded as the
de facto head or co-ordinator of the council of elders. In many respects, the Onoru’s word was law because the people feared going against him as he could deal with them severely through the use of physical force or otherwise. In fact, this was the main, apart from the council of elders, around whom political authority revolved. The meeting of elders could hardly take a decision whenever he was absent, because it was realized that were he to be opposed to it, he could obstruct its execution10. The philosophy and practice was that might was right, and so it was in practice.

 
The office of the chief priest was rotated, from clan to clan or from kindred to kindred. The chief priest was the overall religious head of the Ebira community and the position was occupied on a rotational basis among the five major clans that formed the community. It was the responsibility of the clan whose turn it was to provide an incumbent. On this ground, one can talk of central leadership in Ebiraland, which had the responsibility of co-ordinating the affairs of the council of elders in the pre-colonial period. The function of the office was basically religious. The chief priest saw to the well-being of the society. He made sure that peace was maintained in the land and settled quarrels
among the clans whenever the need arose. Politically, he was usually responsible for calling the meetings of the council of elders to discuss and decide on any pressing problem(s) in the interest of the community. The office of the chief priest did not normally go to the oldest man, but to a middle-aged man, though maturity was a considerating factor11. Two or more candidates might compete or be earmarked for the position, but it was up to the meeting of the council of elders of the clan to decide who was the most suitable. Knowledge of the priesthood and the various rituals as well as divination, by the would-be or prospective candidate, were of advantage. The people who had the final say in the selection process and determined who was chosen were the diviners.13 If they all agreed that the proposed man had divine support, all was well. Nobody would be made chief priest against the decision of the diviners and hardly would any individual ever dare to assume the office without divine support. Having been selected, the failure to perform his duties or the occurrence of calamities during a priestly tenure of office could mean death for him and it would mean a bad reputation for his clan, which sometimes led to its being excluded from holding the chieftaincy14. The duties of the Chief priest, therefore, were primarily religious; 

to keep the land or the country good. He presided over all public religious occasions and fertility cult ceremonies and was closely identified with the crops. The supervision and the timing of the annual nocturnal ancestral worship festival was one of his most important duties because it was believed that unless the festival was celebrated at the correct time, calamity would follow15. In sum therefore, the chief priest performed religious, political and economic functions and was the rallying force until the colonial period, when a new kind of political leadership, to bring all Ebira communities under a central authority was fashioned out by the British colonialist through their policy or method of divide
and rule. The Advent of the British.
The foregoing observations were in place when the British conquered Ebiraland in 1902. In the light of the British system of administration, the political organization in Ebiraland did not meet the aspirations of the British administrators; hence there was the need for a central leader to whom authority could be delegated by the British colonial power. The Ebira were therefore forced to look for an influential person to take charge of the affairs of the area under the British administration. This was the beginning of real central administration in a society that was hitherto non-centralised. The influential individual and the chief priest would not fit into the kind of central leadership required by the indirect rule system as neither of them was ready to submit to the control of the British authorities. Reference is made below to the role of Agidi, an influential individual, who stood against British occupation of Ebiraland. However, the British created one and imposed him on the Ebira as we shall demonstrate below.Meanwhile, the evolution of central administration in Ebiraland, which resulted in the emergence of a monarchical institution, was not without some difficulties. First, was the task of turning a non-centralised society into a unitary administration. Second, was how to get a unifying leader acceptable to all. Andthird, was whether any clan was ready to surrender its independence to another.Nonetheless, the Ebira people were used to coming together in the face of crisis.Thus, in moments of war, they came together as a united front to ward off the incursion of the enemy. Indeed, the Ebira people had built strong confidence in their warfare and ‘superior’ weapons – bows and arrows. The invasion of EbiraNebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 18country by the Nupe (1865-1900) did not make them doubt their military superiority.16 The Nupe invaders were successfully resisted by the Ebira under a leader who later became Attah Omadivi. The Nupe invasion was organized in the form of raids for slaves. But the Ebira people were soon to realize that their warfare and their ‘superior’ weapons could not defend them against the Britishin 1902. In 1895, an outstation was placed at Kabba by the Royal Niger Company and a fort was built there by Captain Turner, an officer attached to the Niger Constabulary17.On 1 st January, 1900, Frederick Lugard took over the government of Northern Nigeria from the Royal Niger Company and hoisted the British flag atLokoja18. Kabba was formed into a province which included the Akoko, Kukuruku and Ebira countries, and was administered from Lokoja, which was also the headquarters of the protectorate of Northern Nigeria, with Sir William Wallace as its first Resident.In 1902, a small military escort led by Mr. Malcom and Lt. F.F.W.Byng-Hall sent into Ebira country was seen by the Ebira people as anincursion19. They refused to meet with the British demand for the supply offood, seeing this as a direct insult on their persons. Mr. Malcom and his party,outnumbered, were attacked with arrows by the Ebira and escaped by a night march to Kabba, arriving the next day. The British soldiers used this as casusbelli and marched on them with fire arms. The Ebira country was 

subjugated and pacified. The resident in Ebiraland described the result of the expedition as follows: 
”The Ebira were no doubt severely punished during the expedition and I now find them very afraid of the white man”20With the defeat of the Ebira, the British then imposed their rule on them,politically uniting the various clans by force. The question that follows from here is: how did the British succeed in their mission? In an attempt to answer this question and trace the evolution of the institution of the monarchy in Ebiraland as from 1902, it is worth noting that in the British colonial history, thepolicy of indirect rule featured very prominently. Indirect rule was a principle whereby the people were ruled through their own traditional institutions.Nebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 19Indirect rule as conceived by Lord Lugard was a dynamic system of Local government. The use of indigenous political institutions for the purpose of Local government was contingent upon certain modifications to the institutions.In places where there were no centralised leadership, the British administrators imposed one on the community. According to Michael Crowder:The administrations imposed by the occupying powers were adhoc and greatly influenced by the personality of the man imposing them and the circumstances under which an area was being occupied, whether by treaty or by conquest.More important was the society to be governed. Different techniques were employed to govern the large centralised state, the small independent village, and the nomadic tribe.21 The British Conquest and the Imposition of Central Administration During the British occupation of Ebiraland, Agidi, one of the notable personalities among the Ebira, led an armed resistance against any form of British rule. In 1902, he and his men attacked the small British group led by Mr. Malcom, the political officer.22 The latter barely escaped death. After thisevent, Ebiraland was declared a land of ‘savages’ and Mr Malcom ordered a detachment of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) to sit among them in order to ‘tame’ them.23In 1903, a punitive expedition under Major Marsh, Lieutenants Sparrenbarg, Moran, Byng-Hall, Gall way, Smith, Old man and Captain Lewis,was organized to call Agidi to order and to establish permanent peace inEbiraland.24 In this expedition, the British received the whole hearted cooperation of Omadivi, who was the representative of Ohindase Abogunde – the chief priest at the time. Omadivi, like Ohindase, was from the Okengwe clan.Omadivi supplied vital information, most especially on how to capture Agidi who was his political rival.25 In fact, both Omadivi and Agidi were notable personalities or influential individuals in the Ebira of that time. While the former was loyal to the Chief priest, the latter was not. By 1904, Ebiraland was fully pacified and Mr. Morgan, the Resident of Kabba province, was able to sayNebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 20with confidence that the Ebira people now feared the ‘‘white man” and were at“peace with each other”.26In gratitude to his co-operation, Omadivi was made the “Oivo Ohinoyi”(the white man’s chief) of Ebiraland. Omadivi could be compared with chief Dogho of Warri.27 The latter provided skilled men and war canoes for the Britishin the Ebrohimi expedition of 1894. In the Benin expeditions of 1896-1897, Dogho was also at hand to aid the British. His services were appreciated and hewas rewarded by being made the Governor of the Benin river.28 Likewise, the leadership of Ebiraland fell on Omadivi in 1903 because of his loyalty to the British and he took the title of Attah, 29 synonymous with the title of the neighbouring Igala monarch.Although the British appointed Attah Omadivi as the chief of Ebiraland,his power, until his death in 1917, was little felt outside his own clan. This waslargely so because his appointment was not marched with the establishment ofNative Administration. His appointment as the paramount chief nevertheless paved the way for the effective centralised political leadership that followed the establishment of a Native Authority in 1923.Attah Omadivi died in 1917 and was succeeded by Arudi Adano who died within a few months. Not much was known about the short reign of Adano, the second Attah appointed by the British. However, his death in 1917opened the stage for a fierce struggle for the position of paramount chief by a number of notable personalities.There was therefore a search for a central chief whose loyalty and confidence, like Attah Omadivi, the British could vouch for. An influential man to take charge of the Native Administration was needed. Sir Frederick Lugard’ spolicy was to look for a capable man of influence to take charge of the Native Administration and through him the colonial authorities were to rule the indigenous populace. The British system of indirect rule was, after the 1914Amalgamation, extended to the Southern provinces. In the eastern Nigeria, for example, warrant chiefs were appointed.30 As far as the “Primitive Communities” in the north were concerned, Lugard stated that:Nebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 21The first step is to endeavour to find a man of influence as chief, and to group under him as many villages or districts as possible, to teach him to delegate powers and to take interest in “Native Treasury”, to support his authority and to inculcate a sense of responsibility.31In Ebiraland, after a tortuous struggle for the stool by many prominent leaders among whom were Ozigizigi, Owada Adidi, Onoruoiza Ibrahim andmany others, the man of influence found was Onoruoiza Ibrahim,32 who represented Attah Omadivi in colonial administration. As we shall soon findout, Omadivi and Ibrahim were relations. Besides, Ibrahim was fairly literate,which enabled him to relate easily with the British administrators. He wastherefore picked as Chief of the land. He also took the title of Attah. Hereigned for thirty seven years from 1917 to 1954. In the official records he was simply referred to as Attah Ibrahim. Nonetheless, he faced serious oppositions from his people throughout his reign as he was considered an imposition by the British. Even then, towards the latter part of his reign he fell out with the British authorities, especially Sharwood Smith, the then British Governor of northern Nigeria.Unlike Omadivi, his predecessor, Attah Ibrahim was made the paramount chief not only over Ebiraland but also over non-Ebira areas, such as Lokoja, Ogori, and Magongo. 33 His area of jurisdiction, which extended over1520 sq2 kilometres, became one of the largest in the northern Nigeria. ByngHall remarked in 1923 that if Attah Ibrahim had been an Hausa or born in one ofthe Hausa States, he would have been made an Emir.31 In the same year, he was promoted to a third class chief grade which was then the highest in the Kabba province. 35As the paramount chief of the Ebira Division, Attah Ibrahim became the sole Ebira Native Authority controlling Grade B Court, which was the highest in the Division. The court could try criminal cases, pass bye-laws concerning marriage, divorce and inheritance. It could also impose jail sentences up to six months. In the newly created Ebira Division and Ebira Native AuthorityNebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 22therefore, Attah Ibrahim was vested with wide powers. F.F.W. Byng-Hall who had been the brain behind the creation remarked that the Attah Ibrahim’s appointment as the paramount chief was “really the first time there has been any sort of one man administration.”36 But who was this Attah Ibrahim? What qualifications or qualities did he have to warrant his appointment?Attah Ibrahim was the son of Zainebu (popularly known as Iy’ebe), whowas a powerful and wealthy trader and a renowned figure in Ebira country.Zainebu was the daughter of the deceased “Oivo Ohinoyi”, Attah Omadivi.Attah Ibrahim was also the maternal great grandson of the celebrated OhindaseAbogunde37.Descent wise, Attah Ibrahim was connected with the two most renownedfamilies in Ebiraland, namely Omadivi and Ohindase Abogunde. But descentin traditional Ebira society as Y.A. Ibrahim correctly pointed out, “did notnecessarily qualify one to hold any important state office”38 Moreover, in apatrilineal society like Ebira, premium is not placed on connection through thefemale line.If maternal descent disqualified Ibrahim from holding an importantpublic office, his personal qualities, loyalty and service to the colonialgovernment endeared him to the British administrators, especially Byng-Hall.Besides, the position of Ebira central chief was a colonial creation and soanybody could succeed to it. Attah Ibrahim had better chances than most peoplein Ebiraland. He thus became the custodian of Ebira political institutions untilhe voluntarily resigned in 1954.A young and energetic man, Attah Ibrahim was a devout muslim. Hereceived his early Islamic education from Mallam Abdul Salami of Ilorin. Helater proceeded to Bida for further Islamic studies.39 He was knowledgeableand fluent in Hausa, Nupe, Arabic and could write some English. Between1908 and 1911, he was in the company of some British political officers, amongwhom was captain F.F.W. Byng-Hall serving them loyally as an interpreter anda messanger. In 1917, he was the tax assessment scribe for Byng-Hall. AttahNebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 23Ibrahim served the colonial officers so loyally that Byng-Hall remarked that “Ihave found him of great use in dealing with the Ebira”.40However, in spite of all these qualities, Attah Ibrahim soon fell out with theBritish especially Sharwood Smith, the Governor of northern Nigeria, for hisopposition to British rule as time went on. He was therefore seen by theauthorities as biting the fingers that fed him. Unfortunately too, his people orsubjects went against him as they clamoured for democratic rule andrepresentation in the Ebira Native Authority where the Attah was the SoleNative Authority. It was this quests for democratic practice, as the wind ofchange was blowing, that swept off Attah Ibrahim from office, though heresigned voluntarily in 1954. Two years later in 1956, the Ebira NativeAuthority elected an ex-serviceman, Alhaji Mohammed Sani Omolori who hadbeen in the forefront of the struggle against the Attah as the monarch ofEbiraland. He nevertheless took the title of Ohinoyi, the implication of whichwas that the monarch this time around was not an imposition and was subject tothe will of the people.Indeed, throughout the forty years of Alhaji Sani Omolori on the throneof Ebiraland as monarch, he did not possess the political weal of the late AttahIbrahim. Whereas the Attah typified the example of a self-willed monarch, theOhinoyi could not do anything without the consent of the Ebira TraditionalCouncil until he died in 1996. There is no doubt therefore that throughout theforty years of Alhaji Sani Omolori on the throne (1956-1996), the EbiraTraditional Council dictated the pace and accounted for the relative peace inEbiraland during his reign. His was the case of a ruler who was placed on thethrone by his people and consequently ruled according to their desire.After 1996 however, the relative peace witnessed during that era is nomore. At the death of Sani Omolori in 1996, it was difficult for a successor toemerge. When at last one did emerge, it would appear that it went to the highestbidder: somebody who had regarded himself as ‘His Royal Highness’ evenwhen an incumbent was on the throne. With the backing of the authorities thatbe, he succeeded in imposing him self on the Ebira in the same manner that theNebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 24British imposed the late Attah Ibrahim, his father on the Ebira then. Thus, sinceApril, 1997, Alhaji Ado Ibrahim, a business tycoon had occupied the seat of theOhonoyi of Ebiraland.In the bid to resolve the institutional problem, the government of KogiState did two things. First was that the monarchy will be rotated among the fivemajor clans identified at the beginning of this study and secondly, that the titleof the Ohinoyi be retained as the official title of the monarch and not that of theAttah, which the incumbent monarch would have very much loved to beassociated with as his father was the first and only Attah41As it is, for eighty years, the monarchy in Ebiraland with its attendantproblems has come to stay. It would appear, however, that it was the reign ofAttah Ibrahim(1917-1954) in spite of the criticisms against his person thataccounts for the major infrastructural as well as educational developments ofEbiraland to which little may have been added since 1954. Such developmentalprojects embarked upon and completed during his reign include: the OkeneWater Wooks, the Okene District Council, the Okene Central Mosque,construction of roads, the Okene Middle School, the Sudan Interior MissionHealth Centre, the Okene post office among others.42From the foregoing, his reign witnessed pioneering activities in all areasof human endeavours. In fact, in the area of politics he was a dominantleadership figure as he was a thorn in the flesh of the British and the emirs of theHouse of Chiefs between 1947 and 1954.43 He was responsible forconsolidating the land that is Ebira today. Many years after his death, it hasbeen argued that only very little has been added to the development ofEbiraland, while a great deal of the above highlighted infrastructure, particularlythe Okene Water Works, has collapsed. However, the downward trend indevelopment can be likened to the general malaise pervading the entire Nigeriannation in recent times.Nebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 

Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be asserted that the British indirect administration gave birth to the Monarchy in Ebiraland. The British succeeded in bringing together groups of non-centralised communities (clans) under a central leadership, now resident in Okene, which only comparatively sprang from Okengwe. Since 1917, Ebiraland has only seen the reign of three monarchs namely: the Attah Ibrahim (1917-1954), Sani Mohammed Omolori (1956-1996)and Alhaji Ado Ibrahim (from April 1997 to date). However, it is significant that British administration in Ebiraland is nothing short of a revolution. The revolution saw not only the emergence of a monarchial system of government,rather it brought an hitherto non-centralised societies under a common leader and hence got the people united under one central authority. Today, the Ebira could speak with one voice in spite of the various existing settlements into which they were grouped as clans in the pre-colonial era. 


Notes1. 

T.N. Tamuno, “Peoples of the Niger Benue Confluence” in J.F. Ade-Ajayiand I. Espie (eds), A Thousand Years of West African History, Ibadan: I.U.P1965) P. 212.2. H.A. Sani, Sociology of the Ebira Tao People of Nigeria (Ilorin:University of Ilorin Press, 1993) p.6.3. Ibid. P.64. Z.O. Apata, “Boundary Delimitation and the Merger of Ogori/Magongo WithIgbira Division, 1918-1966: A study of the problems of changing Political andCultural Identity” (M.A. Dissertation, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 1978) P.145. Y.A. Ibrahim “Igbira Traditional Institutions” Unpiblished Article(1974) P. 10.6. Ibid. P. 107. Ibid. P. 118. H.A. Sani, op. cit P. 109. Y.A. Ibrahim, op. cit P. 1210. Ibid P. 1311. Ibid. P. 1412. Ibid. P. 1413. Ibid P. 1414. Ibid. P. 14Nebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 2615. Ibid. P. 1516. This invasion is referred to as the Ajinomo war.17. Y.A. Ibrahim, “The search for Leadership in a NigerianCommunity. The Igbira Tao C1865-1954” (M.A. Dissertation, A.B.U. Zaria,1968) p. 156.18. A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, Lugard and Amalgamation of Nigeria: ADocumentary Record, (London: Frank Cass, 1968).19. C.R. Niven, ‘Geography and Ethnography of Kabba Province” (1926)20. N.A.K. B. Morgan, “Kabba Provincial Monthly Reports”, January 1904ACC 64.21. M. Crowder, West Africa under colonial Rule, (London: Hutchinson,1968).22. K.V. Elphinstone (comp) Gazetter of Ilorin Province23. Ibid. PP. 10-3024. Ibid. PP. 10-30.25. Y.A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership in a Nigerian Community op. cit.P. 10226. Ibid P. 10227. O. Ikime, “Chief Dogho: The Lugardian System in Warri 1917-1932” in theJournal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (J.H.S.N.),Vol. III, December, 1965P. 313.28. Ibid. P. 313.29. N.A.K. D.O.O. File Wel/1936 Vol. 1 History of Igbira.30. A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect rule in South eastern Nigeria,1891-1929, (London, Longman,1972).31. Sir F.D. Lugard, “Report on the Amalgamation of Northern and SouthernNigeria and Administration” in A.H.M. Kirk-Green (ed) Lugard andAmalgamation of Nigeria: A Documentary Record (Frank Cass, 1968) P. 49.32. Y.A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership in a Nigeria Community” Op. cit.P. 224.33. N.A.I. CSO 26/2 File No. 12941 Kabba Province Annual Report 1923 PP.12-15 N.A.K. Loko Prof. File 3647/1923 Igbira Division, creation of NAKS.N.P. 9 3647/1923 – Igbirra Division (Kabba Province) creation of34. N.A.K. Loko Prof. File 3647/1923 Igbirra Division, creation of35. N.A.K. S.N.P. 17/2/ File 10756 Vol. 1, Ethnographical Notes on the Tribesin Kabba province.36. N.A.K. Loko Prof. File 128/1922, Kabba District Amalgamation of37. Y.A. Ibrahim, The search for Leadership in a Nigerian community… op. citP. 124.38. Ibid. P. 12439. N.A.K. Loko Prof. 28, Diary of Captain Byang-Hall, Resident, Kabbaprovince, 1924.40. Ibid.41. Even now, the matter is yet to be resolved, as it remains one of the sourcesof tension between the monarchy and the people in Ebiraland.42. These developmental projects were some of the achievements carried outduring the thirty seven years’ reign of Attah Ibrahim from 1917-1954.Nebula5.1/5.2, June 2008Edo: Ebiraland, 1920-1997… 2743. The various debates in the sessions of the Northern Nigerian Legislativecouncil and House of Chiefs between 1947-1954 showed that Attah Ibrahim wasa fearless nationalist, for which he must have incurred the wrath of the BritishAdministrators.



 By Victor Osaro Edo

Ebira Names, Sex and their Meaning

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